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On Sunday, Scotland’s main party leaders will take to a stage in Paisley for the first live television debate of this year’s election on the BBC. With just 27 days until the polls open, and much fewer left to register to vote, it should be a defining event – a chance for voters to see the six main party leaders in head-to-head discourse on the most important issues facing Scotland in 2026.
But this debate comes against a backdrop of despondency and dissatisfaction with Scottish politics. The so-what factor is high and there are real concerns that it will be harder than ever to motivate people to not just engage with the campaign and its big moments, but to head out and put an X in the box.
Eclipsed most recently by global crises like the Iran conflict and the ongoing revelations of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal, this election is having to fight fiercely for the public’s attention.
On top of this, we are on the 19th year of an SNP administration beset by scandal and failure to deliver on key metrics but yet still predicted to win a slam-dunk. With widespread scepticism about the Scottish Government’s abilities to act on the issues that matter most to them, it’s no wonder many won’t be racing for the tiny pencil.
But there’s much more at stake than who wins at the ballot when nearly 2 in 5 (38%) people in Scotland feel politically disaffected – detached from political institutions, leaders and processes.
Perhaps you know someone who has already decided there’s no point in voting on 7 May? Maybe you’ve thought this yourself.
Turnout figures only tell part of the story. While they’ve been pretty stable since the Scottish Parliament was established in 1999, these figures don’t take into account the 19% of the Scottish population that are not even registered to vote, which is higher than in England and Wales.
If turnout was to fall to 50%, that doesn’t mean half of the public are voting. It’s half of the 81% who are registered to vote.
This is desperate for a parliament and government that has an annual spending budget of £67.9 billion.
If undecided voters don’t engage early in a campaign the chances are that they won’t vote at all, and there’s only 10 days left until registration closes on 20 April.
Something needs to be done, and fast.
That’s what makes moments like this debate critical.
It’s an opportunity to grab people, restore faith, and convince disaffected voters that politics can have a meaningful, positive influence on their lives. That it is, in fact, worth having a say in who governs the country.
Traditionally, though, TV debates encapsulate the worst of political relations.
Host Stephen Jardine will deliver his usual excellent questioning. But amid a concoction of mudslinging, finger-pointing and defensiveness, the picture of what it all means for the average voter often becomes even blurrier.
This is part of the reason their audiences have fallen off a cliff.
Figures for Scottish debates aren’t easily available, but more broadly, viewership in 2024 was half of what it was when these debates were introduced to the UK in 2010. Initially, they attracted the kind of attention reserved only for soaps and major live sporting events – peaking at 9.9 million viewers during the first debate.
Attention has fragmented since then. Post-debate news headlines combined with soundbites on social media drive more engagement than the broadcast alone ever could, carrying messages further afield and shaping the agenda for days after.
What if they told a story of change? One where our politicians spoke with the interests of the Scottish electorate front and centre, and voters finally had something to believe in.
Tackling economic insecurity. Energy bills. The cost-of-living crisis. Health and care services. Wages.
These are examples of the issues that must be addressed with understanding and genuine, considered and realistic solutions, rather than sweeping statements motivated by getting one up on the opposition.
Contrary to popular belief, these leaders are capable of showing credibility and relevance, and engaging in constructive dialogue. They have the power to show disenchanted voters that politics can be for, and about, them.
But if this debate falls back on the same blame games, point-scoring and low blows that have defined Scottish politics as long as I can remember, it won’t just be another missed opportunity. It will worsen the problem.
This kind of disaffection has serious consequences for the quality and functioning of our democracy. The more people zone out, the less representative our politics becomes. And eventually, the legitimacy of the governing system must be put into question – including the future of Scottish devolution itself.
Sunday night won’t fix the ruins left by decades of corroded public trust overnight. Many of those already switched off won’t watch or read the headlines.
But some will.
That alone makes it worth getting right.